🦶 CRYPTID SIGHTING · EXP. Nº6501 ACTIVE

Nachzehrer

Nachzehrer is a cryptid — a creature whose existence is unconfirmed by science — with reported sightings near Norte de Alemania, DE. This file collects the accounts and folklore surrounding it.

Where and when was Nachzehrer sighted?

Location
Norte de Alemania, DE
Date sighted
Unknown
Coordinates
52.75, 10.87
Testimonies
0
Last updated
LOCATION

What is Nachzehrer?

The Nachzehrer of northern German folklore is a corpse that consumes, and by consuming pulls the living after it. The name is nach (after) plus zehren (to waste away), not Nacht, night: the point is that the dead person keeps eating, gnawing his own shroud and flesh inside the closed grave, while his relatives sicken and die one by one. The belief is older than the word. In Luther's Tischreden, printed in 1566, a parson reports a buried woman eating herself in the grave while the whole village dies, and Luther calls it the Devil's fraud. In 1728 the Lutheran minister Michael Ranft gathered the countermeasures in his Latin book De masticatione mortuorum in tumulis: a stone and a coin put into the mouth so the corpse would bite on those instead; a linen collar tied over the mouth at Dresden; and, in a plague at Lviv in 1572, a woman dug up, found naked, and beheaded with a two-pronged spade. Ranft blamed the gnawed shroud on serpents and mice, then admitted that this explained nothing about the deaths. The word itself first turns up in the Altmark near Salzwedel in 1843; a child buried before 1651 with a stone forced between its jaws was excavated in Schleswig-Holstein in 2013.

What is the history of Nachzehrer?

The Nachzehrer is not a night creature. The name is built from nach (after) and zehren (to consume, to waste away), and it describes a mechanism rather than a monster: the dead person consumes, from inside the closed grave, and by consuming draws the survivors after him. The verb the sources actually use is nachziehen, to pull after oneself; the pale form of the same idea is nachsterben, dying after. Grimm's Deutsches Wörterbuch never gave the word an entry at all, although its N volume of 1889 lemmatises twenty-odd neighbours in the same alphabetical run, including nachzechlein and nachzemmeln. The word belongs to folklore collections, not to the standard dictionary. The belief is far older than the word. The earliest dated witness is Martin Luther. In the Tischreden collected by Johannes Aurifaber and printed in 1566, under the heading "Wunderbarliche Historie vom Teufel der die Leut betrug und würgte", a village parson writes to Georg Rörer at Wittenberg: a woman had died in his village and, now that she was buried, "fresse sie sich selbst im Grabe" — she was eating herself in the grave — and almost everyone in the village had died. Luther's answer was flat: "das ist des Teufels betriegerey und boßheit; wenn sie es nicht gleubeten, so schadete es jnen nicht" — it is the Devil's fraud and malice, and if they did not believe it, it would do them no harm. It was their superstition, he said, that kept killing them. The word for the corpse's noise came before the word for the corpse. In 1679 Philipp Rohr defended at Leipzig a Dissertatio historico-philosophica de masticatione mortuorum, on the chewing of the dead. In 1725 a young Saxon, Michael Ranft, took the same subject for his own Leipzig dissertation, defended on 27 September with Christian Gottfried Cleemann as respondent; in 1728 he expanded it into a book, De masticatione mortuorum in tumulis, liber singularis (Leipzig, Augustus Martinus). Its title page carries a German subtitle, "oder von dem Kauen und Schmatzen der Todten in Gräbern", which is why it is often taken for a German book; the text is Latin throughout. The true German version, the Tractat von dem Kauen und Schmatzen der Todten in Gräbern, came out at Leipzig in 1734, by which time Ranft signed himself deacon at Nebra. The 1728 book is where the countermeasures are gathered. In § LIX Ranft quotes Christian Friedrich Garmann: before the mouth of a corpse is closed, "lapidem et nummum ponunt in ore, ut si in sepulchro mordere incipiat, lapidem et nummum inveniat et morsis satietur" — they put a stone and a coin in the mouth, so that if he starts to bite in the grave he finds the stone and the coin and bites his fill on those. Ranft adds Georg Rollenhagen as a second witness that in his own day, in many places in Saxony, a coin and a pebble were put into the mouths of the dead. In § LVII he records a different fix: "Dresdae linteum seu collare solent firmiter affigere mortuis" — at Dresden they tie a linen cloth or collar tightly on the dead, for no other reason than to shut off the opportunity of chewing. When prevention failed, the grave was opened. In § LVI Ranft passes on, from the Paduan physician Ercole Sassonia's chapter on plica polonica, a case from 1572: plague was raging through all Poland; the body of a woman from the village of Rzeszów was buried in the Lviv suburb by the church of the Exaltation of the Cross; the plague began to bite in the neighbouring houses; those who had charge of the funeral suspected the woman had been a witch; the corpse was dug up and found naked, from which everyone concluded she had devoured her own clothes; they cut off her head with a bipalium, a two-pronged digging spade, and buried her again, and the plague stopped. Ranft is reporting, at two removes and 156 years later, a story he did not witness. The geography usually attached to the word is the eastern Lower Saxon corridor. Adalbert Kuhn printed the earliest use of it I have been able to date: tale 30 of his Märkische Sagen und Märchen (1843), collected orally around Diesdorf in the Altmark, near Salzwedel. Kuhn's informants blamed a run of family deaths on the first corpse not having been given his Zehrpfennig in the mouth, or on his name not being taken out of his shirt; they dug him up, found he had already eaten his clothes, and "weil es kein anderes Mittel gegen das Nachzehren giebt, als dem Todten das Genick abzustechen", the bravest man took a spade and did it — and they distinctly heard the Nachzehrer squeal like a piglet. Georg Schambach and Wilhelm Müller recorded the fainter Hanoverian version, anbraweln, in 1855; Paul Geiger's article in the Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens (1934/35) rests its Brunswick material on Richard Andree's Braunschweiger Volkskunde, and its richest material — corpses that eat their shroud, then their own flesh, then come out and bleed their relatives — on West Prussian and Kashubian collections from the Bay of Danzig. But the belief is not confined to that corridor: Thomas Schürmann's Nachzehrerglauben in Mitteleuropa (1990) maps written attestations across Central Europe, thickest in the decades around 1600 and mostly in Protestant territories, and there are separate studies of it in the Eifel and the Trier country.

Timeline: the documented record of Nachzehrer

  1. 1566 Johannes Aurifaber prints Luther's Tischreden. Under the heading "Wunderbarliche Historie vom Teufel der die Leut betrug und würgte", a parson reports to Georg Rörer that a buried woman is eating herself in the grave and that almost the whole village has died. Luther answers that it is the Devil's fraud and that if they did not believe it, it would not harm them. This is the earliest dated attestation of the belief I have been able to fix to a text.
  2. 1572 (as reported) The episode Ranft would later transmit from Ercole Sassonia: during a plague across Poland, a woman from Rzeszów buried in the Lviv suburb is dug up, found naked, presumed to have devoured her clothes, and beheaded with a two-pronged spade. The account reaches print through a physician's chapter on plica polonica and is second-hand.
  3. 1679 Philipp Rohr defends at Leipzig the Dissertatio historico-philosophica de masticatione mortuorum, the first academic treatment of the chewing dead and the work most often confused with Ranft's.
  4. 27 September 1725 Michael Ranft presides over his own Leipzig dissertation on the subject, with Christian Gottfried Cleemann of Chemnitz as respondent, printed by Breitkopf.
  5. 1728 Ranft expands the dissertation into De masticatione mortuorum in tumulis, liber singularis (Leipzig, Augustus Martinus), in Latin despite its bilingual title page. It gathers the countermeasures: the stone and the coin in the mouth, quoted from Garmann and corroborated for Saxony by Rollenhagen; the linen collar tied on the dead at Dresden; and the beheading of the suspected corpse.
  6. 1734 Ranft, by then deacon at Nebra, publishes the German version, Tractat von dem Kauen und Schmatzen der Todten in Gräbern (Leipzig, Teubner). It is a distinct book from the Latin editions of 1725 and 1728.
  7. 1843 Adalbert Kuhn prints tale 30, "Die Nachzehrer", in his Märkische Sagen und Märchen, collected orally around Diesdorf in the Altmark near Salzwedel: the missing Zehrpfennig, the name left in the shirt, the exhumed corpse that had eaten its clothes, the neck cut with a spade, the squeal like a piglet. This is the earliest printed use of the word I have been able to date.
  8. 1934/35 Paul Geiger's article "Nachzehrer" appears in volume 6 of the Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens, columns 812 to 823, still the fullest survey of the signs, the causes and the countermeasures, and the place where the Brunswick and West Prussian materials are brought together.
  9. 2010 Nuzzolese and Borrini publish in the Journal of Forensic Sciences the forensic study of a woman excavated in the plague grounds of Lazzaretto Nuovo, Venice, with a brick wedged in her open mouth, and argue on taphonomic grounds that the placement was deliberate.
  10. 2014 Two publications land in the same year: Wehner and Grüneberg-Wehner report the Jellenbek child buried before 1651 with a wedge of field stone forced between its jaws, excavated by Kiel in 2013; and Gregoricka and colleagues show in PLOS ONE that the six apotropaic burials at Drawsko in Poland, out of some 285 graves, were of local people rather than incomers.

Is there a rational explanation for Nachzehrer?

The physical facts behind the belief are well understood and were partly understood at the time. A body left in a shallow grave bloats with the gases of decomposition; the lips and gums retract, so the teeth appear to have grown; and the pressure drives a dark purge fluid out through the mouth and nose, which stains and rots the linen lying over the face. Open the grave and you find a swollen corpse with reddened lips, a bloodied mouth and a shroud eaten away exactly where a mouth would eat it. Berg, Rolle and Seemann, in Der Archäologe und der Tod (1981), attribute the famous smacking noise itself to the gases of decomposition, which in the shallow grave pits of the period could be heard from the surface — the noise came first, and the corpse that made it was inferred afterwards. Ranft is a more complicated sceptic than he is usually made out to be, and the third rung of the check matters here. He does dismantle the prodigy: serpents live in graves and eat carrion (§ XXXVIII, citing Sirach and Wolfgang Franzius); mice gnaw shrouds, and he cites two concrete cases, a Bohemian woman of 1345 in Harsdörffer's Theatrum tragicum who was said to have swallowed half her shroud, and a corpse exhumed near Leipzig in 1672 from whose mouth the executioner pulled out a long band (§ XLII). He also refuses the received idea, which Rohr had accepted, that only female corpses chew, and he refuses the demonological explanation offered for it: "Nos non videmus, cur Diabolus inprimis mulieres diffamet" (§ XLV). And on the plague he is genuinely modern (§ XLVI): the cause is not to be looked for in the pestilence itself, he writes, the pestilence only supplied the occasion — bodies go without proper funerals, and gravediggers work day and night in the cemeteries and live among the dead. But he then says something that is almost always left out of summaries of him: in § XLIII he concedes that none of his animal explanations touches the phenomenon that matters, "nil enim causae hic se sistit, quod viventibus mortem contrahat" — nothing here supplies a cause that brings death to the living. His own answer to that (§ LV) is not natural at all: he blames a magica quaedam imaginationis operatio, a magical working of the dying person's imagination on the survivors, and his prescription (§ LX) is an unfeigned reconciliation with the dying so that they fall asleep with a placated heart. Ranft demolished the chewing corpse and put an occult theory of the imagination in its place. The archaeology is now the firmest ground, and it is also the place where the caution belongs. In 2013 the Kiel Institute for Prehistory excavated inside the St Catharinen church of the Jellenbek parish (Schwedeneck, Rendsburg-Eckernförde) and found, at the chancel arch, the grave of a child of about one year, dated before 1651 by an inscribed slab that cut it, with a wedge-shaped field stone roughly 12 by 5 by 8 cm forced point-first between the upper and lower jaw. Palaeopathology showed meningitis, an epidural haematoma, infantile scurvy and tuberculosis. Donat Wehner and Katja Grüneberg-Wehner published it in 2014 as a probable case of Nachzehrerabwehr and argued against accident: the stone's position between the jaws could not be reached by simple slippage, and no other field stones were in the grave fill. They also quote Sebastian Brather's objection that not every stone in a grave is deliberate, and cite a case at St Lamberti in Lüneburg where the bone positions prove the stone was laid on an already skeletonised body. Comparable burials with a stone or brick between the jaws are known from Plovdiv in Bulgaria and Kamień Pomorski in Poland, and a woman with a brick wedged in her mouth was excavated in the plague grounds of Lazzaretto Nuovo in Venice and published by Nuzzolese and Borrini in 2010. The epidemic link has been tested rather than assumed: at Drawsko in northwestern Poland, six of some 285 seventeenth- and eighteenth-century burials had a sickle across the throat or abdomen or a stone under the chin, and strontium isotopes published by Gregoricka and colleagues in 2014 showed the suspects were local people, not outsiders — pointing away from xenophobia and towards whoever died first in an outbreak.

Can you visit Nachzehrer?

There is no Nachzehrer site to visit. This is a belief, and what can actually be inspected is documents and excavated graves, most of which are online and free. Ranft's 1728 Latin book, De masticatione mortuorum in tumulis, liber singularis, is digitised in full on archive.org (identifier bub_gb_Y5U5AAAAcAAJ), as is his 1725 Leipzig dissertation (bub_gb_TelaAAAAcAAJ). The countermeasures are in the last quarter of the 1728 volume, §§ LVI to LIX, around pages 97 to 101; the serpents and mice are at §§ XXXVIII to XLIII, pages 40 to 44. Do not confuse three separate works: Philipp Rohr's Dissertatio historico-philosophica de masticatione mortuorum (Leipzig, 1679), Ranft's Latin dissertation and book (1725, 1728), and Ranft's German Tractat von dem Kauen und Schmatzen der Todten in Gräbern (Leipzig, Teubner, 1734). Adalbert Kuhn's Märkische Sagen und Märchen (1843), tale 30, is also on archive.org, and Paul Geiger's Handwörterbuch article is in volume 6 of the scanned set, columns 812 to 823. The Jellenbek grave cannot be visited: the medieval St Catharinen church at Schwedeneck was pulled down around 1737 because it was unsafe, and the site was excavated by the University of Kiel in 2013. The excavation report, with photographs of the stone in the child's mouth, is a free PDF: the whole of Arkæologi i Slesvig / Archäologie in Schleswig 15 (2014) can be downloaded from the Kiel Institute für Ur- und Frühgeschichte website, and the article runs from page 55 to page 68. Of the comparable sites, the one that is genuinely open to the public is Lazzaretto Nuovo in the Venetian lagoon, where the woman with the brick in her mouth was excavated; the island is run by an association that offers guided visits on set days, and it is reached by public waterbus from Fondamente Nove. Check opening arrangements before travelling, as they are seasonal and not daily. Drawsko in Poland and Kamień Pomorski are archaeological findspots, not visitor attractions. The Lviv church of the Exaltation of the Cross named in Ranft's 1572 story is a sixteenth-century second-hand report, not a located grave, and nothing there is marked. If you want to see the material culture rather than the paper, the objects to look for in northern German and Polish museum displays are the ones the sources describe: the mouth coin or Totenobolus, the pebble, the linen chin band, and the sickle laid across the throat. They are ordinary objects, and that is precisely why they were used.

Sources consulted

  1. Michael Ranft, «De masticatione mortuorum in tumulis, liber singularis» — Leipzig: sumptibus Augusti Martini, 1728 book
  2. Adalbert Kuhn, «Märkische Sagen und Märchen nebst einem Anhange von Gebräuchen und Aberglauben, tale 30: Die Nachzehrer» — Berlin, 1843 book
  3. Paul Geiger; ed. Hanns Bächtold-Stäubli and Eduard Hoffmann-Krayer, «Nachzehrer, in Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens, vol. 6, cols. 812-823» — Berlin and Leipzig: Walter de Gruyter, 1935 book
  4. Lesley A. Gregoricka, Tracy K. Betsinger, Amy B. Scott and Marek Polcyn, «Apotropaic Practices and the Undead: A Biogeochemical Assessment of Deviant Burials in Post-Medieval Poland» — PLOS ONE 9(11): e113564, 2014 academic
  5. Emilio Nuzzolese and Matteo Borrini, «Forensic Approach to an Archaeological Casework of 'Vampire' Skeletal Remains in Venice: Odontological and Anthropological Prospectus» — Journal of Forensic Sciences 55(6), 1634-1637, 2010 academic
  6. Donat Wehner and Katja Grüneberg-Wehner, «Mit Stein im Mund. Ein Fall von Nachzehrerabwehr in der St. Catharinenkirche am Jellenbek, Kr. Rendsburg-Eckernförde?» — Arkæologi i Slesvig / Archäologie in Schleswig 15, 55-68, 2014 academic
  7. Martin Luther; ed. Johannes Aurifaber, «Colloquia oder Tischreden Doctor Martini Lutheri, 'Wunderbarliche Historie vom Teufel der die Leut betrug und würgte'» — Eisleben 1566; here the Frankfurt edition of 1568, 1568 book
  8. Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, «Deutsches Wörterbuch: the nachz- run of volume VII has no lemma Nachzehrer or nachzehren» — Leipzig 1889; consulted through the DWDS digitisation, 1889 book
  9. Michael Ranft (praeses) and Christian Gottfried Cleemann (respondens), «Dissertatio historico-critica de masticatione mortuorum in tumulis» — Leipzig: Breitkopf, 1725 book
  10. Philipp Rohr, «Dissertatio historico-philosophica de masticatione mortuorum» — Leipzig; record consulted in the K10plus union catalogue, 1679 book
  11. Michael Ranft, «Tractat von dem Kauen und Schmatzen der Todten in Gräbern» — Leipzig: Teubners Buchladen; record consulted in the K10plus union catalogue, 1734 book
  12. Thomas Schürmann, «Nachzehrerglauben in Mitteleuropa, Schriftenreihe der Kommission für Ostdeutsche Volkskunde 51» — Marburg: Elwert, 1990 book

Reviewed by V. Serrano on 2026-08-11 · How we verify our content

📎 Source: Enigma Atlas

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